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These services and support include child and family support, schooling and education, housing and neighbourhood renewal, income maintenance and poverty reduction, unemployment support and training, pensions, health and social care.

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Social policy aims to identify and find ways of reducing inequalities in access to services and support between social groups defined by socio-economic status, race, ethnicity, migration status, gender, sexual orientation, disability and age, and between countries. At LSE, social policy is explicitly international , interdisciplinary and applied. The four founders of the LSE, Beatrice and Sidney Webb, Graham Wallas and George Bernard Shaw were committed to establishing a fairer society by studying the causes of poverty and analysing inequalities. LSE social policy department itself has been addressing questions of social provision, inequality, and policies to address social problems since In this year, the Department of Social Science and Administration took over the School of Sociology, founded by the Charity Organisation Society to provide training for welfare workers, and also received a donation from Ratan Tata to support research into poverty, inequality and welfare.

Please consider donating today. With your support, CSSP will find and cultivate the best and brightest minds working in the fields of equity, social justice, social policy, and community advocacy. Support Our Work. We draw on the latest research and work to make systems more responsive, accountable, and rooted in policies that ensure equity and inclusion for all children, youth, families, and communities. We believe in the power of communities to shape their futures. We work with communities across the country and with local systems to impact policy and systems change.

We work to influence public policy to create opportunity, advance equity, achieve impact, and scale results. We fight against inequitable policy proposals and promote policies that ensure equity and inclusion. How We Catalyze Change. The latter, in their turn, have been criticized for adopting too incremental and piecemeal an approach that does not address structural barriers to promoting more equitable patterns of economic growth. Furthermore, it could be argued that one of the major rea- sons for the shortcomings of conventional development strategies has been their inability to recognize and take due account of social complexity and its interface with other key development dimensions such as the economic, the political and the environmental.

These lacunae have undoubtedly helped to perpetuate serious problems of poverty, vulnerability, powerlessness and exclusion. However, while policy itself tends to evolve slowly, the perceptions and prac- tices that generate policy change have advanced markedly over the past decade. Interventions have become more targeted and tailored to meet the spe- cific economic and social needs of diverse groups.


At the same time, develop- ment planners have become increasingly aware of the need to systematically integrate social analysis and social policy into the mainstream of development policy design and implementation. There is a growing consensus that inclusion of the social dimension, while no panacea for the above problems, is one of the major prerequisites for more successful development. Reflecting this evolution, development institutions at both domestic and international levels have begun to incorporate and institutionalize social policy, social planning and social development into their mainstream activities.

The literature on social policy and development has also expanded consider- ably over this period and, together with related academic courses, has played a key role in sensitizing development policy-makers and practitioners to these issues.

Aid, Social Policy and Development

There have been many books published on specific social sectors includ- ing health, education, rural development and urban housing as well as related areas such as the environment and gender. There have also been landmark texts cutting across the social development and social welfare spectrum Conyers, ; Hardiman and Midgley, ; MacPherson, ; MacPherson and Midgley, ; Booth, ; Midgley, , Those early publications, among the first to address economic and social development within a more holistic vision, have been instrumental in advancing the frontiers of international social policy.

They have extended its legitimate sphere of concern beyond narrow conceptions of social service provision by national governments towards inclusion of much broader livelihood issues. In particular, threats to human welfare arising from the internationalization and globalization of economic, social and political forces have generated new pressures that require a rethinking of how social policy reforms can most effectively respond to these changes.

It is important to stress, however, that re-examining the role and scope of social policy in development does not signify a rejection of all past practices, 2 Social Policy for Development Anthony. Local, National and Global Dimensions 3 nor is it an exercise in reinventing the wheel. In other words, we seek to identify the best of these practices and combine them with new experiences and analyses in appropriate applications suitable for diverse and changing circum- stances. We wish in this volume to review how conceptions of social policy have evolved, how such ideas and linked strategies have been applied to pro- mote human well-being, and how they may be improved to better address criti- cal development problems in the South.

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The term is nowadays fraught with potential ambiguity and confusion. It therefore needs to be carefully set out and employed appropriately. These two aspects are closely related since theory feeds directly into practice.

Social policy and development

Historically, for example, the writings of early utopians and advocates of scientific social planning such as Auguste Comte, one of the founding fathers of sociology, were relevant for the emergence of social policy as an applied field. Early socialistic ideas were applied by pioneering industrialists such as Robert Owen, who in the early s established the community of New Lanark in Scotland.

Poverty surveys conducted by Charles Booth, Paul Kellogg and Seebohm Rowntree exposed the harsh and brutal conditions under which many ordinary people lived and fuelled pressures for social reform by pioneers such as Sidney and Beatrice Webb in the UK and Jane Addams in the US Midgley et al. Anti-slavery movements in the US, Latin America and England during the nineteenth century can also be regarded as early intellec- tual expressions of progressive social policy. Social security and welfare poli- cies introduced during the s in the US under the New Deal, as well as publication of the Beveridge Report in the UK, were both underpinned by pio- neering academic enquiry and the application of normative principles of social science for the improvement of society.

Subsequently, social policy as an acad- emic subject acquired its own identity in the UK with the appointment in of Richard Titmuss to the first such professorial position at the London School of Economics.

In this discussion of emerging social policies, however, it should not be forgotten that societies have always evolved their own informal mecha- nisms for dealing with the needs of the elderly, sick and frail amongst their numbers. As will be seen in the following chapters, there is much to be learned from indigenous systems of social support and much to be gained from incor- porating such lessons into modern practice. Conceptions of social policy have thus evolved to reflect historical priorities and changing attitudes towards the causes of social problems and solutions perceived as being most appropriate.

These definitions overlap with, and should be considered alongside, the theoretical paradigms of normative social policy discussed in a later section of this chapter in which statist, enterprise and populist approaches are outlined. Social policy as welfare services Conventionally, applied social policy has been considered synonymous with government intervention to provide social services.

Until the early twentieth century, this signified minimal State action to address the immediate needs of the poor and destitute. Alongside economic planning based on Keynesian principles of employment-generating public investment, this involved government funding for key social sectors such as health, education and housing. In addition, com- plementary support would be provided to the socially disadvantaged and the needy through statutory regulation, including a range of unemployment and social security benefits.

In the developing world also, social policy has tended to become equated with government intervention. During the s, according to mainstream economic the- ories of the time, it was expected that central planning would stimulate moderniza- tion and growth through urban-based industrialization, generating employment while alleviating poverty. At the same time, public spending on social sectors was considered a waste- ful diversion from the business of economic growth. Government would restrict its actions to dealing with social pathologies such as crime and prostitution, as well as helping those who could literally not help themselves, such as the disabled, the old and infirm or orphans.

Handbook of Social Policy and Development

Social needs would be met through individual effort in the market place, with support from the family and community, and via charitable or voluntary orga- nizations such as the church. This minimalist approach, echoing nineteenth-century European and American Poor Laws, was commonly incorporated into the policy agendas of Ministries of Welfare in newly independent developing countries.

However, the residual welfare model proved unworkable for several reasons. Firstly, even where economic growth did take place, it by no means guaranteed 4 Social Policy for Development Anthony.

Local, National and Global Dimensions 5 improved standards of living and welfare for the poorer classes. Residual social policy was evidently not equipped to cope with mass poverty. Secondly, social demand for basic services such as health, education and housing grew emphat- ically, especially from the s onwards. The populations of newly indepen- dent nations were understandably anxious to gain access to social services and enhance their life chances, which they saw as their right after years of colonial domination.

Responding to pressure from urban middle classes in particular, governing elites have expanded social service provision by building new schools, houses and hospitals in the competition to secure electoral support and political legitimacy. Arguably, this incremental approach is still characteristic of social sector planning in most of the developing and much of the industrialized world.

Deciding upon the means by which to achieve social policy goals has been a matter of growing political contention. During the s, Keynesian economics together with the hitherto central role of the State in implementing public policy came under fire. The administrations of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, supported by the Friedmanite stance of the New Right, raised serious doubts about the viability of the comprehensive welfare state Friedman and Friedman, The post-war welfare ethos was thus undermined by several factors.

Firstly, by ideological mistrust of the allegedly paternalist and repressive State machine, coupled with the proposal to strengthen individual freedom of choice. Secondly, by the need to contain public spending and shift a larger share of the cost bur- den to service consumers themselves.

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Some countries such as France, Sweden and Germany retain a strong belief in the responsibility of central government to fund and manage basic welfare provision and public utilities, while others such as the UK have resorted increasingly to assistance from the private commercial and voluntary sectors as service providers.

Social policy as safety nets This free market ideology was transferred to the developing world through pro- grammes of economic stabilization and structural adjustment from the Anthony. In order to strengthen indebted economies and their repayment capacity, their productive potential would be enhanced through a combination of economic and social measures. This ideology also embraced measures including withdrawal of the State machine from monopolistic positions such as agricultural marketing boards, the reduction of public expenditure, incentives for foreign investment, restrictions on imports and the provision of export incentives.

The adverse social impacts of these policies have been documented at length Cornia et al. Far from being self-rectifying under adjustment, as had originally been predicted, poverty and vulnerability were exacerbated in many countries and, for many groups, social indicators worsened.